I believe I have made honest use of what I know about the world in which we live. The reader will have to decide whether he wants to accept the values in the service of which I have used that knowledge. — Friedrich Hayek, Preface, The Constitution of Liberty 
In his response to me, Sandefur writes that Hayek’s “arguments … just don’t work as a normative critique of economic and legal planning.” They don’t work as critique of every case of such planning, but, when we enter into Hayek’s liberal foci (again, The Distinction, the liberty maxim), they work against much of the statist folly and misadventure of his day and ours.
Sandefur posits walled communities and pleas for free exit, that glorious principle. And then asks: “And where does that principle come from?” Well, it must go way back, but, proximately, it comes from Sandefur. Sandefur cites system(i) — the nexus and legacies of the walled communities — and then adds himself (and, accordingly, the legacies he carries), augmenting system(i) and yielding system(i+1). No quarrels there. But if you want to do the spontaneous-vs.-rationalistic thing, you get a spiral — no First moment, no Last moment. Others put it in terms of circles of “we,” again a sequence in which each circle gets a subscript.
Sandefur quotes Hayek on the embeddedness of the mind, and infers Hayek to be saying that “patterns of thought … cannot stand outside the system and criticize it.” But speaking of “the system” is wrongheaded; we need subscripts on “system,” and it is wrong to infer Hayek to be saying someone cannot stand with at least one foot outside system(i) and criticize it. Sandefur’s critique is helpful as caution against some of Hayek’s muddy swirls and dubious ratiocinations, but not as challenge to his central drift.
In his final paragraph, Sandefur writes, “there is no conceptual distinction between spontaneous and constructed orders such that constructed orders are bad and spontaneous orders good.” As a matter of “every,” that’s correct. But, Tim, when we mind Hayek’s liberal foci, what about preponderantly?
In most policy conversations, an enlightened view holds that, mostly, more freedom, good; more coercion, bad. Hayek negotiated a way up and stood tall for that presumption.
Acknowledgment: I thank Jason Briggeman for valuable feedback.
 Friedrich Hayek, Preface, The Constitution of Liberty University of Chicago Press, 1960, p. 6.